37th FUL Inaugural lecture: Don calls for strengthening of institutional frame work to tackle corruption.
” Designate corruption for capital punishment, shift from Bible, Quran to the gods for oath taking.
Institutional Weakness;
Fiscal Independence from Citizens
Resource-rich governments finance themselves through rents rather than taxes, weakening the social contract and reducing accountability to citizens.
Opaque Regulatory Agencies :
Agencies like the unbundled NNPC have been criticized for opaque accounting systems and discretionary practices that enable corruption.
Weak Enforcement Mechanisms :
— Ineffective oversight allows illicit activities to flourish:
— Oil theft and illegal bunkering
— Protection rackets involving corrupt officials and security personnel.
MANIFESTATION OF CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA
Two Critical Factors :
1.Chronic Scarcity of Means :
Excessive scarcity of living essentials (including clean water) creates fertile ground for corruption. Basic amenities like boreholes become “democracy dividends” used for political leverage.
“Because mortuaries are few in number, mortuary attendants must be bribed to ensure a place due to the limited facilities by the government” — Akinloye (cited in Egwemi & Usman, 2010)
2. Materialism & The “End Justifies Means”
Growing spirit of materialism and craze for wealth in society. As society modernizes, emphasis shifts from ascribed status to achieved status, often through corrupt means.
Society is exposed to corruption as it enters the critical phases of modernisation” — Onwueme (1986)
EVERYDAY CORRUPTION: IT GOES IN CIRCLES :
“Market women who adjust the bottom of measuring plates to cheat their numerous customers refer to elected and appointed officials… as ‘thieves’. To the roadside mechanic who makes a booming business from connivance… civil servants are ‘pen robbers.’ In fact, Police personnel who obtain the ‘normal’ twenty naira at the checkpoint believe that their wives are cheats… It goes on in circles…”
“…hospital where the nurses require a fee from every in-patient before the prescribed medicine is given, and even the ward servants must have their ‘dash’ before bringing the bed-pan; it is known to be rife in the Police Motor Traffic Unit… pay clerks make a deduction from the wages of daily paid staff; produce examiners exact a fee from every bag that is graded and sealed; domestic servants pay a proportion of their wages to the senior of them…”
Materialism & The “End Justifies Means” :
Growing spirit of materialism and craze for wealth in society. As society modernizes, emphasis shifts from ascribed status to achieved status, often through corrupt means.
“Society is exposed to corruption as it enters the critical phases of modernisation” — Onwueme (1986)
Wuru-Wuru: The What & Why
Definition and meaning :
A Nigerian Pidgin expression derived from Yoruba, referring to a deceptive, manipulative, dishonest, or cunning way of doing things (Olaopa, 2019).
Operational Meaning:
Implies cutting corners, exploiting loopholes, using tricks, or applying underhand tactics to achieve an outcome at the expense of fairness, transparency, or due process.
Governing context:
Captures the culture of subtle corruption and institutionalised deceit that undermines accountability mechanisms.
Wuru-Wuru as Manipulated Process :
Explains how official systems are deliberately twisted and distorted to favour specific individuals or groups rather than serving public interest.
Regulatory Exploitation :
Involves the strategic use of regulatory loopholes and discretionary powers to bypass established procedures for personal or partisan advantage.
The Hypocrisy of Enforcement:
The anti-corruption crusade can be described as “a bigger pot describing the darkness of the smaller pots”. It highlights the performative nature of campaigns where accusers are often as guilty as the accused.
Daytime Saints, Nighttime Sinners :
Usman (2012) compares the situation to public figures who publicly abhor immorality during the day only to engage in it privately at night. This lip-service undermines genuine institutional reform.
Why Corruption Persists:
Despite numerous agencies, corruption thrives due to:
Politicization of anti-corruption agencies (targeting opponents)
Abuse of plea bargains as escape routes for the wealthy.
Breaking the Cycle :
*Reframe anti-corruption efforts beyond performative campaigns; shift focus from targeting individuals to systemic reform and prevention.
*Strengthen institutions through genuine autonomy, transparency, checks and balances, and taxation-based accountability to reduce reliance on resource rents.
*Diversify the economy to create productive opportunities outside the state sector, coupled with equitable distribution of resources to reduce desperation.
*Prioritize ethical reorientation and civic values restoration to rebuild the moral compass of society across all strata.
We must reject ‘Wuru-Wuru’ and ‘Paddy-paddy’ arrangements. As Fela Kuti and African China sang, and as holy books admonish, true change requires sincerity, not just rhetoric. The ‘Beautiful Ones’ must be born now.”
Presidential Library Scandal: Context :
–The ‘No Sacred Cows’ Vow vs. Reality:
President Obasanjo’s 1999 inaugural promise to tackle corruption “head-on” was contradicted by allegations of selective enforcement and personal enrichment.
The Fundraising Controversy:
Launch of the US$50 million (approx. N7 billion) personal Presidential Library project while still serving as President.
Ethical & Legal Concerns :
Widely criticized as coercive and a flagrant abuse of office, soliciting funds from private donors and government agencies dependent on presidential favor.
Anti-Corruption Agencies :
Code of Conduct Bureau & Tribunal (CCB/CCT), Public Complaints Commission, NDLEA & NAFDAC, Bureau of Public Procurement (BPP), War Against Indiscipline & Corruption (WAIC), Commissions of Inquiry, National Orientation Agency (NOA), Standards Organisation of Nigeria (SON)
“Despite the avalanche of agencies, the anti-corruption war seems selective, cosmetic, and mere window dressing… agencies are often like toothless bulldog
Similarly, “Ghost Workers Syndrome in the Civil Service: Interrogating Kogi State Staff Recruitment Process,” Usman and Obi (2023) exposed how flawed recruitment procedures created fertile ground for the ghost workers phenomenon in Kogi State’s civil service.
The findings revealed that ghost workers inflated government wage bills, limited employment opportunities for qualified applicants, and undermined efficiency and productivity in public service delivery.
The study concluded that ghost workers are direct products of corruption and greed, recommending strict adherence to merit based recruitment, periodic staff screening and physical verification, and the establishment of anti-corruption committees in all ministries and parastatals.
In “The Interface between Conflict, Security and Development in Nigeria,” Usman and Obi (2024) examined the complex interconnections among conflict, security, and development. The study underscored the importance of addressing the structural drivers of conflict, promoting inclusive development, and safeguarding human rights.
It emphasized paradigms of conflict prevention, peace building, and human security, recommending a flexible and comprehensive strategy to address the mutually reinforcing nature of conflict, insecurity, and underdevelopment.
Finally, in “An Assessment of COVID-19 and Its Impact on Nigeria’s SocioEconomic Development,” Usman et al. (2024) analysed the political economy of the COVID-19 pandemic in Nigeria, focusing on socioeconomic collapse, health sector breakdown, poor housing, poverty, unemployment, inequality, and corruption.
The study revealed that Nigeria’s dependent economic structure exacerbated the impact of the pandemic through declining oil prices, business closures, reduced diaspora remittances, and rising inflation.
It recommended a decisive paradigm shift from a corruption-ridden traditionalism to a technology-driven modernity anchored in accountability, transparency, human capital development, economic diversification, and technological advancement.
Mr Vice-Chancellor, permit me to reiterate that, from the foregoing, my scholarly engagement has consistently interrogated the menace of corruption and its complex dynamics, while advancing context-sensitive recommendations through diverse analytical approaches.
I therefore wish to utilize this inaugural lecture to propose more drastic and sustainable measures for addressing corruption—beyond the wuru-wuru of Nigeria’s anti-corruption crusade.
First, there is an urgent need to mobilize civil society at all levels to exert sustained pressure on the political class—particularly within the legislative and executive arms—to pursue constitutional review and amendments that introduce capital punishment, including the death penalty, as a deterrent against corruption and corrupt practices. Notably, many countries with low corruption perception indices retain capital punishment within their criminal justice systems.
Second, I propose the establishment of dedicated Centres or Institutes for the Study of Corruption within Nigerian universities, given the scale and pervasiveness of corruption in the country.
I urge the Federal University Lokoja to take the lead in this regard, drawing inspiration from institutions such as the University of Sussex in the United Kingdom, which hosts a vibrant Centre for the Study of Corruption.
Third, civil society organisations must spearhead a robust campaign against the politicisation of the prerogative of mercy by the executive for individuals convicted of corruption-related offences. This practice, observed across successive administrations since 1999, has trivialized the fight against corruption and systematically undermined the efforts of anti corruption agencies.
Fourth, the African traditional oath-taking system, prior to colonial intrusion, proved to be one of the most effective deterrents against corruption. Historically, violations attracted immediate and often intergenerational consequences. In contrast, the contemporary oath-taking system—anchored in imported religious texts—defers accountability to the hereafter. Nigeria can be fixed before the hereafter through constitutional provisions mandating the incorporation of indigenous oath-taking systems. It must be noted that every part of Nigeria possesses unique and potent (traditional oath-taking mechanisms, which can be appropriately adapted and institutionalized.
Concluding Remarks :
Mr. Vice-Chancellor, since the beginning of this lecture, I have Offered a broad overview of corruption and its manifestations I Nigeria without delving into the full depth of the malaise. Beyond 8 cursory engagement, I have deliberately refrained from examining the Perpetrators, the scale of corruption across sectors, or its catastrophic Consequences for Nigerians.
I have also intentionally avoided the contentious debate over which segments of Nigeria’s socio-political and economic spectrum are more corrupt.
However, what cannot be avoided, which indeed is the focus of this presentation, is the rhetoric and the inherent ‘ojoro’ of the anti corruption fight in Nigeria, specifically from 1999 to date.
To do this effortlessly, one had to focus the inquiry on the successive federal government, with particular attention to the executive, which has the sole authority to enforce and execute the anti-corruption law. Unfortunately, a lack of sincerity, as manifested in the blind, opened approach to the fight against corruption by successive administrations, leaves much to be desired.
More worrisome is the pattern, sequence, and application of the prerogative of mercy by the succeeding administrations in Nigeria to secure the release of those convicted of corruption and other offenses by their predecessors.
To further demonstrate this bizarre politicisation of the prerogative of mercy, no administration has granted the prerogative of mercy to those it convicted, except those convicted under the past administration(s), making it seem like “convict for me to come and release”.
In addition, as if the past Nigerian Presidents have immunity for life, there is no evidence that any of them has ever been brought to account for the misdeeds of their administrations.
This is unlike the way State Governors, particularly those who fell out of power, are made to observe the rituals of facing corruption charges related to their administrations after leaving office.
Unlike the experiences of the State Governors and others, it has always been a proxy prosecution of the past Nigerian leaders at the federal level, reflecting the character of what Fela Anikolapo Kuti described as a “paddy-paddy” arrangement, with only the Ministers, Permanent Secretaries, and other close aides or allies as the scapegoats.
There is no denying that Nigeria has a fantastic relationship with corruption, as David Cameron, the former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, once stated. It is also an undeniable fact that endemic disease has entrenched poverty of immeasurable scale in Nigeria, to the point that the country was described as the poverty headquarters of Africa.
In 1983, Umaru Dikko, the then Minister of Transportation under the Shagari administration, famously remarked that “Nigerians were not suffering economic hardship because they were nol yet eating from the dustbin,”.
This was an obvious prediction of worsening poverty at a time not too far from the oil boom era of the 1970s, when the then Head of State, General Yakubu Gowon, made similar famous remarks that: “Money is not Nigeria’ problem, but how to spend it.”
Today’s Nigerian economic reality has shown that youths not only engage in scavenging in dustbins as a primary occupation but also exhibit criminal behaviours and/or resort to criminal acts, such as; destroying important government infrastructure and private property to extract iron rods, by those we commonly refer to as “maibola,” to sell as a means of survival.
Mr. Vice-Chancellor, to understand the contradiction of Nigeria’s problems, you need to trace it to the very foundation where it all began. The problems Nigeria faces today were laid long ago.
The oil boom of the 1970s was supposed to help us build an economy that would have sustained us for decades. The lack of quality leadership, pervasive corruption, and misplaced priorities have significantly hindered the nation’s progress, despite its wealth of resources.
This is the sad reality of a country where crude oil accounted for 92° of its exports from the 1970s to the 1980s. Unfortunately, neglect of other sectors of the economy, especially agriculture, and failure to properly invest the proceeds of the oil boom came back to haunt in the form of the prevailing economic crisis and the corresponding insecurity across the country.
Today, Nigeria is facing insecurity and security threats of unimaginable scale to the extent that the American Government under President Donald Trump has designated Nigeria as “a country of particular concern.”
This is a graduation from such earlier negative remarks about Nigeria during his first tenure, when he described the country as a ‘Shithole’, depicting the unpleasant characteristics of Nigeria’s poor governance system before the international community.
From the menace of Boko Haram in the Northeast to the farmers—herders conflict in the North central, to banditry activities in the Northwest, to the secessionist violent agitation by the Indigenous Peoples of Biafra (IPOB) in the Southeast, and to militancy activities in the Niger-Delta of the South-South, along with the rampant cases of kidnapping targeting school children and motorists across the
country, it can be concluded that insecurity has taken over Nigeria, with traceable roots in corruption and underdevelopment.
The Vice-Chancellor sir, corruption has degraded the identity of Nigeria and its citizens to such a low level that some African countries are holding “Nigeria Must Go” protests, urging Nigerians to leave their countries.
The sad truth about Xenophobia in South Africa, which impacted Nigerian immigrants, serves as a reminder of a richly endowed nation with under-utilized natural resources but filled with desperately poor people who emigrate around the world in search of better opportunities.
The “Nigeria Must Go” protest on July 26, 2025, in Ghana seems like what Robert Mugabe of Zimbabwe called “reversed discrimination,”.
The protest was rooted in allegations against Nigerian nationals engaging in crimes such as kidnapping, prostitution, and ritual murders in Ghana. The protests, which took place in Accra’s Obra Spot, featured demonstrators carrying placards with the damming inscription “Nigeria Must Go”
Vice-Chancellor sir, as earlier mentioned in this lecture, there was a time in Nigeria, particularly during the oil boom in the 1970s, when opportunities drew people from neighboring nations such as Ghana, Togo, and Benin, seeking prosperity and work. As the country prospered, it became a land of opportunity, welcoming a diverse population that contributed to the vibrant social fabric of Nigerian society.
However, by the early 1980s, this prosperity shifted to economic hardship, soaring unemployment, and widespread social unrest. As conditions deteriorated, foreign workers and their families became scapegoats for the country’s increasing problems.
Consequently, on January 17, 1983, President Shehu Shagari issued an executive order requiring all illegal immigrants to leave Nigeria thereby expelling over two million foreigners, including nearly one million Ghanaians. In the ensuing drama, families who had spent years building lives in Nigeria were pushed into chaos.
The sudden directive prompted the targeted foreigners to scramble to gather their belongings, often packing everything in the iconic woven bags later known as “Ghana Must Go.” For many families, these bags contained not only their material possessions but also memories of lives uprooted in desperation and fear. Years later and to this day, the said bag has become synonymous with corruption. In fact, the “Ghana Must Go” and “brown envelope” are well known to Nigerians for what
they represent.
This is a sad reminder of a nation, Nigeria, who prides herself as the giant of Africa, has been reduced to a stumbling giant due to corruption and mismanagement of her valuable natural resources to the point that its citizens face threats and deportation not from developed countries but from neighboring African nations that are less endowed in comparison.
The increasing politicisation of anti-corruption efforts in Nigeria is evident in successive administrations’ lack of trust in the leadership of anti-corruption agencies, leading to frequent leadership changes and the appointment of government favourites.
This suggests that the activities of anti-corruption agencies depend on the current government in power, which further weakens their institutional strength and authority.
As I draw close to the end of this lecture, let me buy more time by switching from ‘Mr. Vice-Chancellor’ to ‘My Vice-Chancellor’. Sir, allow me to once again borrow some lyrical words from the late Afrobeat musician Fela Anikulapo Kuti, who, in one of his many straightforward tracks criticising social ills in the country, sang about, “suffering and smiling…,” depicting the resilient spirit of Nigerians regardless of the ‘Wuru-Wuru’ of the successive leaders.
Similarly, another Nigerian musician, a younger version of Fela, Idris Abdulkareem, also sang about, “……Nigeria jagajaga, Nigeria scatter-scatter, poor man dey suffer-suffer….”, which literally refers to the chaotic, disorganized, and dehumanizing poor conditions of the masses due to corruption, poor leadership, mismanagement, and the *Wuru-Wuru’ of our leaders in the fight against corruption.
My Vice-Chancellor, having firmly established the ‘Wuru-Wuru’ of anti-corruption, I am inclined to quote this interesting section from the King James version of the Bible, John Chapter 8 Verse 7, when Jesus said, “He that is without sins among you, let him first cast a stone at her’.
In the glorious Quran, Sura 2, verse 44, Allah advises us that, ,…do not be hypocritical when correcting others”. Furthermore, in Chapter 53, verse 32, it notes that “Allah alone knows who is truly righteous,” and it goes on to Chapter 5, verse 8, and states: “be just and fair in judgement”
My Vice-Chancellor, I am still searching for any leader in today’s universe that is obeying and following the above injunctions from the two Holy Books, which over 95% of Nigerians profess. That is why it is very easy for me to take solace in the popular prose of a Ghanaian novelist, Ayi Kwei Armah, published in 1968. I read the book with delight during my IJMBE days at the then Osara Campus of the Kogi State Polytechnic, Lokoja. It is titled: “The Beautyful Ones Are Not Yet Born’.
Apart from the inspiring title, the description of the central character in the book called “The Man’, by his old friend, “Teacher” who described him, as “Chichidodo”, a bird that hates excreta but feeds on maggots which breed in the lavatory, aptly summarises the ‘Wuru-Wuru’ of the fight against corruption in Nigeria by the successive leaders across levels.
Our Igala people will say: “edelifo ane, ketane oji oben”. This loosely translates as: “you cannot forbid the ground and be standing on the anthill’.
My dear Vice-Chancellor, permit me to conclude with popular lyrics from another Nigerian musician, African China, who took a rather appealing stance on governance and anti-corruption drive in Nigeria when he sang, “…if you are a leader, lead us well…..if you are a police, police us well no dey take bribe…”
If we want to fight corruption, let’s do it properly. Let’s not use ‘WuruWuru ’ to promote corruption, as is the case in Nigeria today.
Earlier in his address, the Vice Chancellor Professor Akinwumi Olayemi welcome all to the 37th Inaugural Lecture of this great University, and notably, the first inaugural lecture of the year 2026.
Inaugural lectures occupy a unique and honoured place in the tradition of a university. They provide our professors the opportunity to share the fruits of years of teaching, research and reflection.
They allow the university to present its intellectual strength to the public. More importantly, they help bridge the gap between the classroom and the wider society by translating scholarship into insight that can inform policy, practice and personal conviction.
Through inaugural lectures, we celebrate academic excellence and reaffirm the role of the university as the conscience of society.
Today, we are privileged to have one of our own, Professor Salisu Ogbo Usman, deliver this 37th lecture in the series. The title of his lecture is “Corruption Versus Corruption: Unpacking the Wuru-Wuru of Anti-Corruption Crusade in Nigeria.”
Indeed, If there is any time we need a lecture of this nature, it is now. Our nation continues to wrestle with the challenge of corruption, and equally with the contradictions that often surround the fight against it.
The theme before us speaks directly to our lived realities. It invites us to look beyond slogans and headlines, and to examine the structures, motives and practices that shape our anti-corruption efforts.
More importantly, it reminds us that the fight against corruption is not the duty of government alone. As a University, and as academics, we must be ready and committed to contribute our quota to nip corruption in the bud.
Through our teaching, our research, our administrative conduct, and our daily interactions, we must model integrity, transparency, and accountability. We must raise a generation that not only condemns corruption in words, but rejects it in practice.
This is part of our sacred responsibility as educators and nation-builders.
For this reason, I am confident that each person present today will have a takeaway from this lecture; whether it be new insight, a fresh perspective, or a renewed commitment to ethical leadership and good governance. That is the power of a well-delivered inaugural lecture: it speaks not only to specialists, but to all of us who care about the future of our society.
At this point, permit me to express our heartfelt thanks to Professor Salisu Ogbo Usman for his immense contributions to knowledge and scholarship. We commend him for the bold step to deliver this inaugural lecture on a subject of such national importance.
By choosing to interrogate this critical issue, he has not only enriched public discourse but has also added to the intellectual visibility, relevance, and prestige of this Institution, further reinforcing our reputation as a centre of thoughtful and impactful scholarship.
Distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, as we prepare to listen attentively and reflect deeply on the ideas that will be shared today, let us remember that the true value of this lecture will be measured not only in the words spoken here, but in how those words influence our thinking and guide our actions in the days ahead.
I wish to sincerely appreciate all our guests for taking time out of their busy schedules to be with us today. Your continued presence and unwavering support in honoring our invitations are a great encouragement to the University and affirm your commitment to academic excellence and intellectual engagement. We are truly grateful for your participation.
I once again welcome you all and invite you to a most enlightening and rewarding intellectual experience.
Thank you, and God bless you all.
